Help on Tele2, tariffs, questions

September 2000

Purga.Ru. Gleb Pavlovsky dreams of the laurels of media tycoon Vladimir Gusinsky

Svetlana Zaitseva

Curriculum Vitae

Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky was born on March 5, 1951 in Odessa, in the family of an engineer. In 1968-73 he studied at the history department of Odessa University.

In 1975 he moved to Moscow.

In the 1978-80s, he became one of the co-editors of the Free Moscow magazine Poiski. At the same time, he came to the attention of the KGB.

He was sentenced to prison for anti-Soviet activities, but pleads guilty. The authorities change the sentence - instead of prison, Pavlovsky is sent into exile in the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, working there as a fireman and painter.

In 1985 he returned to Moscow. The dissident society does not accept him.

In 1987, he became one of the five co-founders of the first legal political structure - the Club of Social Initiatives (KSI). Published in the magazine "XX Century and the World". Together with Vladimir Yakovlev (former owner of Kommersant), he establishes the Fakt cooperative.

In the early 90s, he received significant material support from the American Democracy Foundation, financed by the US Republican Party. From this moment on, a qualitative change occurred in the activities of Gleb Pavlovsky.

A short list of information projects to which Mr. Pavlovsky either had or is still involved:

Effective Policy Foundation (EPF)
Information agency "Postfactum"
Social Information Agency
"Russian Institute" (conceived as an analogue of the Russian Institute at Columbia University in the USA)
"Russian Journal"
Magazine "XX Century and the World"
"Sreda" magazine
Magazine "Pushkin"
Magazine "Intellectual Forum"
Official website of the Public Opinion Foundation
VVP.ru: network expert channel. Exit polls - 2000
SMI.ru
Network information channel "Elections in Russia"
Interactive project "Moscow Mayor: do it yourself."
Ovg.Ru (united power group)
Strana.ru
Polit.ru [The Polit.ru website does not and has never had anything to do with Mr. Pavlovsky - approx. Elena Shopenska, public relations Polit.Ru]

Etc. and so on.

Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky is called whatever you like: political strategist, analyst, provocateur, philosopher, hoaxer, manipulator, PR genius... The range of assessments is quite wide.

He is suspected of instigating the most high-profile political scandals: the publication of version No. 1 (about a possible coup in Russia), the creation of the website "Claw", the gradual "squeezing" of Berezovsky from various power structures, the company to compromise Luzhkov's wife, the failed idea of ​​​​a multimillion-dollar "promotion" of Valentina Matvienko during the election campaign in St. Petersburg... The list could go on for a long time.

Mr. Pavlovsky does not object to being credited for the election of Putin as president and the early removal of Yeltsin from the Kremlin.

Gleb Olegovich is in fashion among journalists. He is now constantly present on television, often giving interviews to print media. But, despite massive self-PR, he cannot create the impression of himself as an intelligent and honest person.

One thing is certain: formally being an adviser to the head of the Presidential Administration, Gleb Pavlovsky gives advice to Putin himself. And Putin listens to them. Now the Kremlin jokes about this: tell me who your adviser is, and I will tell you who they will turn you into.

All the numerous Internet sites to which Gleb Olegovich is related are filled with a brief summary of Pavlovsky’s life. Therefore, anyone interested can read about the revolutionary youth of the now popular Odessa resident, his dissident maturity, and also get acquainted with the adolescent philosophical works of the Kremlin adviser.

On other sites not under the control of Pavlovsky (for example, on www.site), the reader will find an abundance of documents compromising Gleb Olegovich.

Therefore, “!”, in order to avoid bias in assessing Mr. Pavlovsky’s personality, decided to abandon writing a traditional portrait of the hero. Most of the material published below is exclusive memoirs of people close to Pavlovsky, quotes from secret analytical reports of special services and little-known articles by Gleb Olegovich himself.

No need to wait for favors from nature

From the memoirs of Olga Ilnitskaya, poetess, journalist, member of the Memorial society and first wife of Gleb Pavlovsky:

“SID is a scientific and romantic organization of second- and third-year students of the Faculty of History of Odessa State University, graduated in 1972-1973. Members of the organization called themselves subjects of historical activity, abbreviated as SID.

At first there were four of them: Slavik, Gleb (Gleb Pavlovsky - “!”), Kostya and Igor. Then four more came, including me. It turned out that having accepted Utopia, it needs to be comprehended and developed, and for this you need to live in a commune, leaving your parental home, uniting the efforts of everyone into one common one, you need to answer the question: “Do we have socialism, and if not, then what?” There is?"

From a samizdat book about SID by Vyacheslav Kilesa, a former Crimean police officer (aka Slavik):
"...Spring was blooming in Odessa, and we were now gathering by the sea. The purpose of our activity was vague, vague not only for me, but also for others. We were citizens of a great country and continued to recognize ourselves as such even when we encountered with the abominations of Soviet reality. After all, we had socialism, a planned economy, the absence of unemployment, and there, in the West, police persecution, exploitation, hunger, and poverty were raging. Everything was bad there, while we had individual shortcomings and distortions.

But there was no one to ask questions or it was impossible, because the answer could be a denunciation to the KGB, a scolding in the dean’s office, expulsion from the university - and we sat down in libraries and reading rooms, trying to get to the truth on our own...

We learned then that there was an underground political movement in the country, but we did not want to contact them, considering ourselves as a special line in the cultural development of Russia."

But nevertheless, an introductory meeting with one of the real underground fighters took place. He was Vyacheslav Igrunov (at that time everyone called him Vyachek), now a State Duma deputy, the second person in Yavlinsky’s party.

“Vyachek convinced the guys of the need for a long struggle for the democratization of the country, and they talked about their studies - the study of dialectics, the origins of Marxism. And friendship took place.” (Pavlovsky’s friendship with Vyachek ended for the latter with arrest. But more on that later.)

A quarter of a century later, Gleb Olegovich will describe this period from the standpoint of dialectical materialism: “...We discussed the likelihood and risk of liquidating the USSR by the forces of a small number of people. I considered myself something of a Zen Marxist.”

Nothing human was alien to the young Odessa revolutionaries who lived in a commune. Olga and Gleb fell in love with each other and, despite the protests and threats of Olga’s mother (her mother, by the way, worked as a prosecutor), they got married.

At the wedding, the mother promised her daughter that she would certainly put her son-in-law behind bars.

From Ilnitskaya’s memoirs:

“My family life went on. Private apartments changed. On Romashkova Street in 1975, my mother, convinced by my despair and love, which often turn out to be nearby, rented a house for Gleb and me. A large room with three windows, a kitchen and a bath without water cost fifty rubles per month...

In December 1975, a real natural disaster struck Odessa. An anticyclone broke out. The branches of the trees suddenly became frozen after the thaw. At first it was incredibly beautiful, and then the city began to cry. Tears froze in the wind, and hail beat down the branches of trees in heavy coats of ice. The old acacia trees were the first to fall. A large branch fell on the blue Zaporozhets and flattened it. Trolleybuses and trams stopped running. The lights went out in Odessa. The water station pumps stopped. A bucket of water cost a ruble. A loaf of bread too. There were lines for milk starting at four in the morning. It was too late to get up for milk at six o'clock.

On the fifth day, when the temperature in the room dropped to nine degrees, and we didn’t have kerogas, we didn’t have a gas stove, we couldn’t turn on the electric stove, when I had already cut my eyebrow with a flying splinter - I was chopping boards from boxes to melt the cast iron steam heating, having forgotten, that there has been no water for a long time either, - Gleb froze in front of the window painted with cold lilies and thoughtfully ate NZ - a can of sprat and a can of condensed milk.

It would be better if you were on a drinking binge, it would be more understandable and respectful,” I snapped.

Gleb answered simply and clearly:

The only thing I can do for you, my love, is leave...

Moreover, Vyachek had already been arrested, and the samizdat he brought, “The Gulag Archipelago” by Solzhenitsyn, lay in all corners of our room. And Gleb was summoned to the KGB, and he gave evidence against his friend Vyachek, and then refused it.”

The raging nature did its job. Gleb Olegovich realized that the search for truth is very difficult if you also need to think about food and family. And he left for Moscow, carefully packing a reproduction of the portrait of his idol, Che Guevara, into a suitcase.

Soon other SID members, Slavik and Kostya, also moved to Moscow.

From a letter from Gleb Pavlovsky to Olga Ilnitskaya:

"... I love you. And you understand me. We will go to the sea and write poetry. And then we will have a house and a dog... My dear, kind one, try so that we have a child... I believe that, thanks to you and nature, a miracle will happen..."

Olga re-read these lines through tears, looked sadly at her little son Seryozha, at her dog Alma, who was patiently waiting for a can of table waste, bought for fifty dollars, to be poured into her saucepan, and realized that she did not want to live anymore. More precisely, it cannot.
From the memoirs of Olga Ilnitskaya:

“In mid-September 1976, after an unsuccessful suicide attempt and compulsory treatment, I left the psychoneurological dispensary. And Kostya, who arrived by telegram from my ex-husband Gleb, took me in marriage.

Kostya was from SID. This damn world didn't teach him love. SID taught the ability to lend a shoulder and, if necessary, sacrifice one’s own.

“We have to survive,” Kostya told me, “everything will work out, we have to survive, here is my hand.”

To Moscow, to Moscow!

Gleb Olegovich never loved Odessa, primarily because there was no room for his activities in this chestnut province by the sea. A quarter of a century later, Pavlovsky would justify his flight to the capital as follows: “For the sake of changing the biographical identity of an Odessa resident, I moved to Moscow.”

In Moscow, Gleb Pavlovsky met Mikhail Gefter, a historian by profession. Despite the half-century difference in age, despite biographical incompatibility (Gefter began his career as an assistant secretary of the Central Committee of the Young Communist League of Youth. After the bath, at the height of political repression, he studied at the graduate school of the Institute of History of the USSR Academy of Sciences. With Brezhnev coming to power, he began to study the liberation movements of Russia, etc. .), Pavlovsky and Gefter, as Kurt Vonnegut wrote, were people from the same coras.

They not only thought and expressed themselves in the same way, but also experienced a painful attachment to each other. Mikhail Yakovlevich, believing that such strong feelings needed formalization, even wanted to adopt his best student Gleb, and at the same time adopt his first wife Olga. By the way, after an unsuccessful suicide attempt and a forced remarriage, she did not stop loving Gleb Olegovich and constantly visited him in Moscow.

"... An echo of the fall of the Pax Romana and the martyrdom of humanity: then still a plan, uttered in crazy words. Epoch after era tested the catacomb project for feasibility and humanity, finding out that there is neither a given compatibility of both, nor a predetermined discord between them. And there is a path and a period that form a special “body” - history. When we ask ourselves: “Isn’t the idea of ​​humanity as the only unity leaving the present world, leaving a void into which the element of the ethnos, the rage of “our own”, the intransigence of newly-minted sects has burst?” - we thereby ask: “Isn’t History cut short, ending without completion?” - pondered Mikhail Gefter. (The author’s spelling has been preserved - “!”).

"Who are we? Those who have the honor of carrying out the world process. And what is the world process? An educational catastrophe. One of the components of the myth about Russia is pedagogical catastrophism: it turns out that pogroms and earthquakes strike people in order to bring others to reason with the spectacle of execution. Russians in in this picture, the subjects of a global catastrophe; and for the rest of the utter world - its bearers. Since the world is mired in sin, then we are here to give the sinners a beating," his beloved student echoed him, developing and concretizing the given topic.

Some contemporaries of Gefter and Pavlovsky, however, dared to call such statements “meaningless rhetoric”, “a sophisticated streak of intellectual alienation”; they were compared to the Pythia. (Pythia is a priestess-soothsayer. She sat above a crevice in the rock, from where intoxicating vapors rose. Under their influence, Pythia uttered incoherent words that were interpreted by people as divinations and prophecies. - "!")

But the KGB thought differently. Behind Pavlovsky. who then worked as co-editor of the magazine "Poiski", conducted surveillance. Then searches, interrogations, and interviews with foreign journalists began. During one of the trials, Gleb Olegovich’s nerves could not stand it, and he decided to escape from the courtroom. He jumped out the window, broke his leg, and woke up in a cast.

“The picturesque hopelessness of dissidence turned into bad taste - chases, hide and seek, women, all this Dumas, for whom people pay with each other, blaming the “authorities” for everything. There are no new ideas; it’s a shame to leave the country; there’s nowhere to go further. The bestial feeling of a dead end - being blocked in own biography. I decided to escape from the biography. The attempt failed,” Pavlovsky almost sincerely described that period.

Almost because the beautiful metaphor of “escape from biography” in fact meant banal apostasy.

In 1981, Gleb Olegovich, unexpectedly for all dissident comrades, came up with the idea of ​​a reconciliatory “society-government” pact, calling for an abandonment of confrontation.

“The confrontation creates a non-catastrophic alternative for the USSR, which is entering a period of decline in an atmosphere of national split,” the fugitive from the biography explained his position.

“He knew that he would be arrested and prison could not be avoided. And Gleb physically could not stand the camera. He came up with a seemingly reasonable move - to become a representative of the constructive opposition. That is, to become a loyal mediator in negotiations with the authorities. But the authorities knew that by doing this By this act, Gleb exhausted her authority in the dissident community, and therefore rejected his services,” said “!” one of Pavlovsky's former colleagues at the Poiski magazine.

However, the pact was nevertheless concluded, albeit in a more modest format, without the participation of society. Pavlovsky, at the request of the authorities, pleaded guilty and received exile to the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic instead of prison. There he worked peacefully as a fireman.

Gleb Olegovich himself, describing those times, places emphasis differently.

“I lived in a state of some kind of statist fury, wrote treatises to the Politburo and the KGB with teachings on how to save the USSR, stubbornly calling it Russia. The local alcoholic detective read them and filed them with my file. This is how we corresponded with history.”

History, unfortunately, has not preserved this correspondence. More down-to-earth people lived in the Kremlin at that time. They did not even imagine that their good Soviet offices would very soon be occupied by aliens, nurtured by an unclaimed fireman.

By the beginning of perestroika, Gleb Pavlovsky realized that he was tired of combining the “search for truth” with the lifestyle that accompanies this search. It is unbearable for the herd to be unrecognized, poor, homeless, with the fifth point in the passport instead of a capital registration and a roof over their head, persecuted by the authorities (for dissent) and dissidents (for cooperation with the authorities). And he went into the information business.

Gleb Pavlovsky has spawned a countless number of limited liability partnerships and LLCs that operate with various information. From magazines, news agencies and foundations to a myriad of Internet sites (see bio). These “thought factories” not only enriched their owner, but also made him significant, famous, included in government offices, and most importantly, in demand.

That period in the life of Pavlovsky and some of his colleagues (Lesin, Zapolya) was described with mocking humor by Viktor Pelevin in the fashionable book “Generation - “P”. The prototype was Mikhail Lesin's company "Video International", and one of the key characters - the meaningful, mysterious Mr. Farseikin, who talks about the incomprehensible - was copied from Gleb Olegovich.

One of the journalists, talking with Pavlovsky about modern literature, started talking about Pelevin’s books. Gleb Olegovich winced: “I had a feeling that it was not kosher to buy Pelevin, so I simply stole it from someone else’s table.”

To avoid the illusion that recognition overtook Mr. Pavlovsky as undeservedly as exile in the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, it should be noted: it was during the period of great changes in Russia that his real gift from above was revealed. It turned out that the former SIDovets had a great sense of the emerging new information space and knew how to manipulate it. And the demand for high-quality manipulations was enormous.

Gleb Olegovich knew how to saturate this space with explosive gasoline vapors, and then, at the right moment, strike a spark. He knew when, instead of arson, it was appropriate to open the window and create a spectacular political draft. He could even spin a real snowstorm, doing without snow and cold. And he drove and drove this blizzard in the given direction.

To perform such tricks, he needed only special human material.

From the FSB analytical report (August, 2000):

“The main forces of the Kremlin’s think tank are Pavlovsky, Kordonsky (Simon Kordonsky, under the patronage of Pavlovsky, was appointed head of the analytical department of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. - “!”), Meyer (Maxim Meyer, under the patronage of Pavlovsky, took the position of head of the information department of the main department of internal policy of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. - "!") and other odious people from the structures previously led by Pavlovsky.

According to reviews from close connections, G. Pavlovsky dreams of the laurels of media tycoon V. Gusinsky.

The “blue” dream of becoming a media tycoon has not let him go to this day, as a result of which Pavlovsky himself assesses his current position as a temporary compromise.

Political scientists working with him evaluate him as a specialist in crisis and critical situations, a master in overcoming extraordinary, extreme socio-political barriers.

Everyday work of a tactical nature, what is called “routine” or “rough work,” is not for him; he is not capable of doing it due to his adventurous character, a fan of “cavalry” attacks.

Pavlovsky is T. Dyachenko’s personal protégé, with whom he still has a close relationship.

However, with the well-known and obligatory member of Tatyana’s team, V. Yumashev keeps his distance.

PRovskoe (the spelling of the document has been preserved - “!”.) the skill of Pavlovsky’s team turned out to be so timely and relevant to the current moment that V. Putin is still confident (hence the respect and respect): “that his election is primarily the personal merit of Gleb and the leader named after the Center, which is in fact a typical bureaucratic apparatus of several hundred people, feeding off the Kremlin and its incompetence.

The hoaxer Pavlovsky deliberately cultivates this inadequate assessment by the president of the Center’s merits, thus supporting the myth of his indispensability.

People who know Pavlovsky believe that it is highly likely that he belongs to the “blue faction” of the Kremlin, which, to a certain extent, is a ticket of passage in a number of its structures.

The second “Kremlin meander” is Simon Gdalyevich Kordonsky, a rather pale personality, remembered in Russian public circles only for the fact that he was involved in a criminal case in connection with the sensational publication in the Rossiyskaya Gazeta “Snow is Falling...”.

So says Pavlovsky

About Russia:

"Russia is the final drain of historical missions... We are dealing with a unique country that does not discuss any of its problems... Theoretically, Russia can cease to exist in order to be restored in 10, 20, 100 years. When the rabble are retrained..." .

About the citizen of the Russian Federation:

“This creature, which we call the “Belovezhsky man” (in the press the concepts of “Russian-speaking citizen” or “ethnic Russian” are still found), moves in two directions - splitting the old order, i.e. everything within which the subject does not remember himself, the conditions of all the elements of this order as their own, just invented - and the construction with their help of a “new reality” - unconscious as a source of tasks, closed and prohibited for all forms of alternative understanding. This new reality, commonly referred to as “Russia,” ultimately reveals itself as the cocoon of Belovezhskaya man—a temporary space of deeper metamorphosis.”

On the attitude of Russians to history:

“There is a problem with the attitude of Russians to history. I don’t want to return to Chaadaev’s rehashes, but strictly speaking, Chaadaev is medically right. The problem is that today in Russia historical consciousness has been supplanted by an artifact of quasi-knowledge of what happened.”

About Russian language:

“The mythological hero, which everyone turns out to be in the process of learning the Russian language, would like to accomplish a feat, under the guise of interpretation, to seduce, impregnating Russia with her mission.”

On the relationship between the Internet and government:

“What is happening today between the Internet and the authorities is rather a mutual sniffing around.”

About the “family” (Dyachenko, Yumashev, Abramovich, Mamut, Stolpovsky, etc.):

“They tell a man on the street: drink, don’t think, wait for the whistle. Everyone who is honest is with me, against the authorities! The crowd breaks open the gates of the state, after which the backbone of the crowd itself is broken by the father-commanders, and the people are driven into a stall. Here it turns out that that under the Family and the hydra of tsarism life was not so bad..."

About Berezovsky and Gusinsky:

"...But every time there was a sign of burning, Gusinsky and Berezovsky, running away from the warrants issued for them, heroically saved the girl - Russian democracy. They carried, so to speak, the poor thing out of the fire and into the fire - deaf, blind and crap one's pants from fright." .

About myself and Putin:

"I hope that I belong to those people who can give advice to Putin."

"Belovezhsky Children" by Pavlovsky

Pavlovsky has five children. The eldest, Sergei, is 26 years old, he works as a designer on one of his father’s websites. None of the offspring of Gleb Olegovich wants to live in a commune, does not dream of revolution (dad has been raving about it since his youth), or escapes from his own biography. In a word, they turned out to be normal “Belovezhskaya children”, passionate about the Internet, virtual design and modern literature. Maybe because Gleb Olegovich doesn’t live with them. As he says, “for reasons of extreme busyness at work.”

She considers Olga Ilnitskaya to be her only close person. He rents her an apartment in Moscow and takes her to the best doctors. Olga still idolizes him and claims that no one understands Gleb.

The bright journalist and political scientist Gleb Pavlovsky evokes different emotions in people: many hate him, some love and respect him, some despise him. An ordinary person cannot evoke such a range of feelings. Pavlovsky's life is an example of a unique path to his ideals and goals. Let's talk about who Pavlovsky Gleb is, how his biography developed and what he is known for today.

Childhood

Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky was born on March 5, 1951 in the southern sea city of Odessa. His father was an architect by training, but worked all his life as a civil engineer. But Gleb himself demonstrated obvious humanitarian inclinations from childhood. Pavlovsky never talks publicly about his early years and his parents. Therefore, this part of the life of a political strategist and journalist, like many others, is shrouded in secrecy.

Education

Gleb Pavlovsky was an excellent student at school; in 1968, he graduated from school with flying colors and easily entered the history department of Odessa University. Already in his student years, the young historian showed freethinking and a desire for social activities. Already in his second year, he published the wall newspaper “20th Century,” which the university Politburo ordered to be removed, accusing the editor of anarchism and left-wing extremist deviation; as punishment, Pavlovsky was also expelled from the Komsomol.

But he doesn't calm down. Influenced by events in Eastern Europe in 1968, he and his fellow faculty members created the Marxist circle “Subject of Historical Activity.” This small commune brought together young people professing progressive ideas of intellectual Marxism, dialectics, even nihilism. Pavlovsky described his worldview at that time as Zen-Marxism. The members of the circle dreamed of just socialism, seriously considered the possibility of liquidating the USSR, and wanted to build a society of equals.

The first step towards this ideal world was the decision to live in a commune according to the principles of fraternity and equality. For Pavlovsky, this experiment ended in marriage to a fellow commune member. Since 1972, he has become an active distributor and author of samizdat. In 1973, Gleb almost miraculously managed to graduate from university, but he couldn’t dream of a good placement.

Beginning of work history

After graduating from university, Gleb Pavlovsky’s profession opened up a direct path for him to school - he was sent to a small Ukrainian village. But he didn't stay there long. Pavlovsky's mother-in-law, a prosecutor, promised to imprison her future son-in-law right at the wedding, and she didn't have to look for a reason for long. Gleb was caught distributing anti-Soviet literature, during interrogation he admitted his guilt, and his comrade Igumnov was declared insane and sent for compulsory treatment to a psychiatric hospital.

Pavlovsky had to give up his job; he did odd jobs, working as a worker, watchman, and janitor. Serious discord began in the family, and Gleb decides to completely change his life. He divorces his wife and leaves for Moscow. According to him, he felt cramped in Odessa.

Dissidence

In the capital, Gleb Pavlovsky also could not find a decent job; he was a carpenter, a construction worker. But at the same time he did not abandon his political ideas. In Moscow, Gleb becomes close to the famous historian, human rights activist and dissident Mikhail Gefter. Pavlovsky became Gefter's student and closest associate and often visited his dacha. And when Mikhail Yakovlevich began publishing the magazine “Poiski”, Gleb became its co-editor.

Distributing samizdat in those days was a serious crime, and publishing your own magazine with very free thoughts was already life-threatening. However, Pavlovsky managed to avoid arrests for several years, cleverly hiding.

In 1980, Gleb’s colleague from the Poisk magazine was arrested. During the trial, Pavlovsky lost his nerve, and he threw a brick through the window, hitting the judge’s table. He was saved from arrest by a jump from the roof and a broken leg. His comrades hid him in Sklifosovsky’s clinic.

Lying in the hospital, Pavlovsky reflected on his life and saw that he had reached a dead end. He did not want to emigrate, and his relations with the Soviet system increasingly pushed him towards serious crimes. After discharge, he begins to preach the idea of ​​​​concluding an agreement with the authorities and working to prepare for the non-catastrophic liquidation of the USSR.

This led to the fact that his former like-minded people began to perceive Pavlovsky as an apostate and even a traitor. In 1982, he was arrested on charges of publishing an anti-Soviet magazine. Gleb took the blame upon himself and received punishment in the form of exile from Moscow to the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. For three years he worked as a painter and wrote letters to the KGB and the Politburo with recommendations for the preservation of Russia.

In 1985, Pavlovsky returned to Moscow, although he did not have the right to do so. He hides, lives like an outcast. He is a criminal to the law and a traitor to dissidents. But to his happiness, great social changes are beginning in the country - perestroika is beginning.

Opposition activities

In December 1985, Pavlovsky Gleb registered one of the first opposition organizations in the country - the “Club of Social Initiatives”. Future opposition activists meet there for the first time: Grigory Pelman, Andrei Fadin, Mikhail Malyutin, Boris Kagarlitsky. For the first time, Pavlovsky could engage in his social activities openly, and he set about it with great energy. Later, he initiated the creation of the information cooperative "Fact", he began to understand that the word is the main weapon in the struggle, and began to actively work towards the formation of a new, democratic ideology.

Journalist of new times

In 1987, Gleb Pavlovsky, whose publications had already appeared in various opposition media, is one of the founders of the Postfactum news agency, and he also begins publishing the socio-political newsletter “The 20th Century and the World.”

Analytical materials and journalism by authors independent of any ideology were published here. Thus, in the magazine one could read materials by Galina Starovoitova, Mikhail Gefter, Yuri Baturin, Vyacheslav Igrunov, Lev Karpinsky. For the first time, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was published in the bulletin in Russian. Many publications in this publication were real sensations; the authors experienced the breadth of freedom that appeared, and it seemed that it was limitless.

Pavlovsky becomes a prominent journalist and political scientist. Although he is still outlawed, only in 1986 Gleb Olegovich received temporary registration in Moscow, thanks to the personal order of B. Yeltsin. By 1990, Pavlovsky's magazine reached a circulation of 200 thousand copies, which was unthinkable for an intellectual publication.

The famous newspaper Kommersant grew out of the Fakt cooperative, where Pavlovsky worked for some time as deputy editor-in-chief. In addition to journalism, Pavlovsky managed to be actively involved in social activities; he headed the “Civil Society” program, funded by the Soros Foundation. As part of this program, thousands of computers and copying equipment appeared in Russia; it was these devices that became the main means of disseminating information during the 1991 coup.

In 1992-1993, he made a lot of efforts to create a democratic opposition in the country. In 1994, Pavlovsky turned “The 20th Century and the World” into a “thick” magazine, and he also publishes the collection “The Limits of Power.”

In the mid-90s, Gleb Olegovich became an active opponent of B. Yeltsin’s power, he was accused of preparing a coup, his office was searched and forced to sell the Post Factum agency, he was under investigation for a whole year. By this time, Gleb Pavlovsky had acquired a taste for political activity; he left the leadership of all publications, although he continued to actively write for a variety of media.

Foundation for Effective Policy

In 1995, a new political strategist officially appeared in the country - Gleb Pavlovsky. He registers a non-profit organization - the “Effective Policy Foundation”, which was going to conduct political campaigns and create various information projects, primarily in the virtual space.

Within the framework of this organization, Pavlovsky began to actively work in elections at all levels. Over 16 years, the Foundation has created 15 major information projects, including Lenta.ru, Vesti.ru, InoSMI.ru, SMI.ru, and the Public Opinion Foundation. Gleb Olegovich often acts as an expert and commentator.

In 1996, he conducted the most successful election campaign of B. Yeltsin. Later, it was the Pavlovsky Foundation that was credited with implementing the “Departing Yeltsin” project and bringing V. Putin to the Kremlin. He is called the Kremlin's true strategist. Pavlovsky himself only smiles at all questions about involvement in big politics.

With the beginning of the new century, he became an extremely popular political strategist and consultant; he hosts a program on NTV “Real Politics”. In 2011, he expressed the idea that Medvedev should nominate himself for a second presidential term; he was an active opponent of Putin’s return to the Kremlin. In this regard, all government consulting contracts with the Effective Policy Foundation were terminated, and Pavlovsky again became an oppositionist.

He takes part in opposition rallies in 2012 and actively preaches his point of view in online media. Also, Gleb Pavlovsky, “Echo of Moscow” and the “Minority Opinion” program, for whom since 2012 have become a place for expressing bold thoughts and forecasts, became on par with those who negatively assessed the annexation of Crimea to Russia in 2014. And this finally made him an enemy of the current government.

Today, Gleb Olegovich speaks a lot in the media, writes books, comments on events and advises politicians.

Publications

Since the beginning of the 21st century, Pavlovsky Gleb, whose books began to be published one after another, has focused his efforts on understanding the events of the last 30 years. His high-profile works included the following books: “The Ossetian Tragedy”, “Winners and Losers”, “Putin’s Plan”, “War and Peace of Dmitry Medvedev”.

Pavlovsky's interviews and publications also received wide discussion. In an interview with Elena Masyuk for Novaya Gazeta, he discusses the current situation in the Kremlin and V. Putin’s intentions. In the article “When Gorbachev came, it was already too late” on the Lenta.ru website, he comprehends the historical situation of the 70s in the USSR and compares it with today's events.

Pavlovsky's works are distinguished by the debatability of the views expressed and numerous hints of high awareness of the political behind the scenes.

Personal life

An active public and political figure, Gleb Pavlovsky lived a stormy life. He has had four wives in his life and is the father of 6 children. At the same time, the names and occupation of his spouse are unknown to the media. Only Pavlovsky's eldest son, Sergei, was seen in public activities; he worked with his father at the Effective Policy Foundation.

) - Russian political scientist and journalist, former Soviet dissident.

Biography

Born in Odessa in the family of a civil engineer.

1995 - present - co-founder and director of the Effective Policy Foundation.

Positions and posts

Interview

• . Interviewed by Roman Manekin, km.ru - 10/27/2003
• , www.akzia.ru/ - 09/05/2005
• . Interview taken by Elena Masyuk, www.novayagazeta.ru - 10/24/2012
• , - 11.12.2012
• lenta.ru/articles/2016/03/13/pavlovsky/

Awards

July 25, 1996 By Order No. 396-rp, President Yeltsin received gratitude for his active participation in organizing and conducting his election campaign.

Family

Write a review of the article "Pavlovsky, Gleb Olegovich"

Notes

Links

• - article in Lentapedia. year 2012.
• Dmitry Bykov// “Moscow Komsomol”: newspaper. - Moscow, 2001. - No. 15. - pp. 15-17.
• Speech at a conference in Berlin in May 2014.
• on radio Echo of Moscow

An excerpt characterizing Pavlovsky, Gleb Olegovich

“Oh, yes, now, wait... Or no... no, go and tell me that I’ll come right now,” Pierre said to the butler.
But as soon as the butler came out, Pierre took the hat that was lying on the table and went out the back door from the office. There was no one in the corridor. Pierre walked the entire length of the corridor to the stairs and, wincing and rubbing his forehead with both hands, went down to the first landing. The doorman stood at the front door. From the landing to which Pierre had descended, another staircase led to the back entrance. Pierre walked along it and went out into the yard. Nobody saw him. But on the street, as soon as he walked out the gate, the coachmen standing with the carriages and the janitor saw the master and took off their hats in front of him. Feeling eyes on him, Pierre acted like an ostrich that hides its head in a bush so as not to be seen; he lowered his head and, quickening his pace, walked down the street.
Of all the tasks facing Pierre that morning, the task of sorting out the books and papers of Joseph Alekseevich seemed to him the most necessary.
He took the first cab he came across and ordered him to go to the Patriarch's Ponds, where the house of Bazdeev's widow was.
Constantly looking back at the moving convoys leaving Moscow from all sides and adjusting his corpulent body so as not to slip off the rattling old droshky, Pierre, experiencing a joyful feeling similar to that experienced by a boy who has run away from school, began talking with the cab driver.
The driver told him that today they were dismantling weapons in the Kremlin, and that tomorrow they would drive all the people out of the Trekhgornaya Outpost, and that there would be a big battle there.
Arriving at Patriarch's Ponds, Pierre found Bazdeev's house, which he had not visited for a long time. He approached the gate. Gerasim, the same yellow, beardless old man whom Pierre had seen five years ago in Torzhok with Joseph Alekseevich, came out to answer his knock.
- At home? asked Pierre.
– Due to current circumstances, Sofya Danilovna and her children left for the Torzhkov village, your Excellency.
“I’ll still come in, I need to sort out the books,” said Pierre.
- Please, you are welcome, brother of the deceased, - the kingdom of heaven! “Makar Alekseevich remained, yes, as you know, they are weak,” said the old servant.
Makar Alekseevich was, as Pierre knew, the half-crazy, hard-drinking brother of Joseph Alekseevich.
- Yes, yes, I know. Let’s go, let’s go...” said Pierre and entered the house. A tall, bald old man in a dressing gown, with a red nose, and galoshes on his bare feet, stood in the hallway; Seeing Pierre, he muttered something angrily and went into the corridor.
“They were of great intelligence, but now, as you can see, they have weakened,” said Gerasim. - Would you like to go to the office? – Pierre nodded his head. – The office was sealed and remains so. Sofya Danilovna ordered that if they come from you, then release the books.
Pierre entered the same gloomy office that he had entered with such trepidation during the life of his benefactor. This office, now dusty and untouched since the death of Joseph Alekseevich, was even gloomier.
Gerasim opened one shutter and tiptoed out of the room. Pierre walked around the office, went to the cabinet in which the manuscripts lay, and took out one of the once most important shrines of the order. These were genuine Scottish deeds with notes and explanations from the benefactor. He sat down at a dusty desk and put the manuscripts in front of him, opened them, closed them, and finally, moving them away from him, leaning his head on his hands, began to think.
Several times Gerasim carefully looked into the office and saw that Pierre was sitting in the same position. More than two hours passed. Gerasim allowed himself to make noise in the doorway in order to attract Pierre's attention. Pierre didn't hear him.
-Will you order the driver to be released?
“Oh, yes,” Pierre said, waking up, hastily getting up. “Listen,” he said, taking Gerasim by the button of his coat and looking down at the old man with shiny, wet, enthusiastic eyes. - Listen, do you know that there will be a battle tomorrow?..
“They told me,” answered Gerasim.
“I ask you not to tell anyone who I am.” And do what I say...
“I obey,” said Gerasim. - Would you like to eat?
- No, but I need something else. “I need a peasant dress and a pistol,” said Pierre, suddenly blushing.
“I’m listening,” Gerasim said after thinking.
Pierre spent the entire rest of that day alone in his benefactor's office, restlessly walking from one corner to another, as Gerasim heard, and talking to himself, and spent the night on the bed that was prepared for him right there.
Gerasim, with the habit of a servant who had seen many strange things in his lifetime, accepted Pierre's relocation without surprise and seemed pleased that he had someone to serve. That same evening, without even asking himself why it was needed, he got Pierre a caftan and a hat and promised to buy the required pistol the next day. That evening Makar Alekseevich, slapping his galoshes, approached the door twice and stopped, looking ingratiatingly at Pierre. But as soon as Pierre turned to him, he bashfully and angrily wrapped his robe around him and hastily walked away. While Pierre, in a coachman's caftan, purchased and steamed for him by Gerasim, went with him to buy a pistol from the Sukharev Tower, he met the Rostovs.

On the night of September 1, Kutuzov ordered the retreat of Russian troops through Moscow to the Ryazan road.
The first troops moved into the night. The troops marching at night were in no hurry and moved slowly and sedately; but at dawn the moving troops, approaching the Dorogomilovsky Bridge, saw ahead of them, on the other side, crowding, hurrying across the bridge and on the other side rising and clogging the streets and alleys, and behind them - pressing, endless masses of troops. And causeless haste and anxiety took possession of the troops. Everything rushed forward to the bridge, onto the bridge, into the fords and into the boats. Kutuzov ordered to be taken around the back streets to the other side of Moscow.
By ten o'clock in the morning on September 2, only the rearguard troops remained in the open air in the Dorogomilovsky Suburb. The army was already on the other side of Moscow and beyond Moscow.
At the same time, at ten o’clock in the morning on September 2, Napoleon stood between his troops on Poklonnaya Hill and looked at the spectacle that opened before him. Starting from the 26th of August and until the 2nd of September, from the Battle of Borodino until the enemy entered Moscow, all the days of this alarming, this memorable week there was that extraordinary autumn weather that always surprises people, when the low sun warms hotter than in the spring, when everything sparkles in the rare, clean air so that it hurts the eyes, when the chest becomes stronger and fresher, inhaling the fragrant autumn air, when the nights are even warm and when in these dark warm nights golden stars constantly rain down from the sky, frightening and delighting.

Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky
Occupation: Public relations, political science, journalism
Date of birth: March 5, 1951
Place of birth: Odessa, Ukrainian SSR, USSR
Citizenship: USSR →Russian Federation

Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky(March 5, 1951, Odessa) - Russian political strategist, political scientist.

Gleb Pavlovsky born in Odessa in the family of a civil engineer.
In 1968-73 - studied at the history department of Odessa University. During his student years, he was a member of the commune circle “Subject of Historical Activity” (“SID”), a conductor of the “spirit of ’68”: “I considered myself something of a Zen Marxist.”
Until 1974, he worked as a teacher in a rural school. He first encountered the KGB in 1974 - in the case of the dissemination of the “GULAG Archipelago”: “The investigators were professional, tough trainers.” In exchange for giving out contacts, he was not detained, but was forced to resign from school.
From 1976 to 1982 he worked as a worker.
He moved to Moscow, where he became close friends with Mikhail Gefter: “We grew together biographically; From then on I felt like a lyrical hero of his ideas.”
In Moscow in 1978-80 - one of the co-editors of the Free Moscow magazine POISKI. But for Pavlovsky“The picturesque hopelessness of dissidence turned into bad taste - chases, hide and seek, women, all this Dumas, for whom people pay with each other, blaming the “authorities” for everything. No new ideas; it is a shame to leave the country; there is nowhere to go further. An animalistic feeling of impasse - being blocked in one's own biography. I decided to escape from the biography"

Elena Bonner: “I appreciated Pavlovsky at its full value in 1980 or 1981, when he gave evidence to the GB against Ivan Kovalev, the son of Sergei Kovalev, and against Ivan Kovalev’s wife Tanya Osipova. I don’t want to rate it any higher: for me it has been appreciated since then.”

In April 1982 (“Search” has not been published for a year and a half) Gleb Pavlovsky arrested on charges of publishing these “Searchs”. During the investigation, he repented and began to cooperate with the investigation (received the agent pseudonym “Sedoy”) and instead of the camps Gleb Pavlovsky received 3 years of exile in the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic: “I lived in a state of some kind of statist fury, wrote treatises to the Politburo and the KGB with teachings on how to save the USSR, stubbornly calling it “Russia”. The local alcoholic detective read them and filed them with my file. This is how we corresponded with history.”

Since December 1985 Gleb Pavlovsky- in Moscow, was one of the founders of the first legal political opposition organization in Russia - the “Club of Social Initiatives” (KSI).

1987 Gleb Pavlovsky- among the ideologists and founders of the information cooperative “Fact”. Later - founder of the PostFactum news agency, editor-in-chief of the magazine "XX Century and the World". Member of the Perestroika club (Moscow).
1991-1992 - Deputy Chairman of the Board of the Kommersant Publishing House.
In October 1993, he opposed decree No. 1400. He was an opponent of Anatoly Chubais’ privatization program.
1994-1995 Gleb Pavlovsky- editor and publisher of the quarterly “The Limits of Power”
1995-1996 Gleb Pavlovsky- founder and co-editor of the journalistic review “Sreda”
1995-present - co-founder and director of the Effective Policy Foundation.

Positions and posts of Gleb Pavlovsky

* Director of the Effective Policy Foundation
* Editor-in-Chief and Publisher of Russian Journal
* Director of the Russian Institute
* Professor at the Higher School of Economics
* Advisor to the Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation (until April 2011)

Awards of Gleb Pavlovsky
July 25, 1996 By Order No. 396-rp, President Yeltsin received gratitude for his active participation in organizing and conducting his election campaign.

Family of Gleb Pavlovsky
He has six children from four wives.

Perhaps the most interesting thing about the role of Gleb Pavlovsky in the life of Russia Bykov Dmitry wrote:
(newspaper “Moskovskaya Komsomolskaya Pravda”, THE STORY ABOUT THE THING OLEGVICH March 26, 2001)

On March 5 this year, the fiftieth anniversary of the most mysterious and, perhaps, the most odious character in modern Russian politics was celebrated relatively quietly - Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky. I would like to congratulate him from the bottom of my heart - both on the date and on his reputation. There are very few accomplished and influential people in his generation, whose youth fell on deep stagnation. You could say he and Putin (Gleb Olegovich likes to mention their age, as well as the presidential congratulations on their anniversary). Moreover, Gusinsky and Berezovsky, due to their absence, Pavlovsky has become demon number one today. GRAY, VERY GRAY Gleb Pavlovsky- the only Russian political strategist (he, it seems, began to introduce this American term among us) who never directly denies his involvement in this or that project, rise or fall. He only smiles mysteriously and confidentially in response. He knows: the more rumors, the more respect, fear and ultimately money. Therefore, in modern Russian history there are practically no events in which - from the point of view of public opinion - Pavlovsky was not involved. He was credited with the next (1996) rise of Chubais, the victory and resignation of Yeltsin, the resignation of Stepashin, the appointment of Putin as heir, the defeat of Luzhkov-Primakov, the outbreak of the second Chechen war, the creation of the Unity party... The last actions, however, he allegedly carried out in collaboration with Berezovsky , who, as we know, was also to blame for everything (what’s especially piquant in this whole story is that Berezovsky and Pavlovsky can’t stand each other - it’s too crowded for two demons in one country!). Gleb Olegovich, in our deep conviction, is not personally involved in a single political project or in a single campaign of recent times. He himself remarked in one frank interview: “There is a demand in society for a worldwide conspiracy, for the figure of an absolute manipulator.” In another article, even more frank, Pavlovsky revealed the reason for such a request: people’s guess about a manipulator is actually their guess about their own manipulability.

The conspiracy is sought by those who are ready to take part in it... Our hero played on this, in every possible way contributing to the formation of his own reputation as the Great and the Terrible. I would like, you see, for All This to have a specific author... In fact, Pavlovsky does not construct anything - he simply does not have such tools. He only foresees, sometimes quite accurately. So Russia is really developing according to his scenario, outlined back in the late seventies. Another thing is that Pavlovsky did not impose this scenario on her, but predicted it. And for this conjecture, only one thing was needed - a sufficient degree of freedom from intellectual prejudices. Equally alien to partycrats and dissidents, Gleb Olegovich turned out to be the only one who predicted the path of Russia - from an empire through a decade of collapse to a new state structure and a new imperial ideology. At the end of the seventies, several amateur social thinkers were born in Russia: here was Boris Kagarlitsky, now working at Novaya Gazeta, and Sergei Kurginyan, a director who spoke in such a way that no one could understand him... And Pavlovsky, whose teaching turned out to be omnipotent - because which is true. EXTRACT ODESSIAN Gleb Pavlovsky was born on March 5, 1951 in the family of a civil engineer. He graduated from school with honors and entered the history department of Odessa University without any problems. There, possessed by the demon of organization and the desire to lead something, he and several friends created a circle of SID (Subjects of Historical Activities). Young people, like many in those years, dreamed of true socialism, equality and brotherhood. To begin with, we decided to live together in a commune. “The commune fell because of the girls who came to it,” the main subject subsequently commented. The idea ended in Gleb’s affair with the only girl in the SID, Olga Ilnitskaya, and then in marriage, which Olga’s mother, who worked as a prosecutor, actively objected to. At the wedding, she publicly promised to imprison her future son-in-law, and the opportunity soon presented itself. Pavlovsky’s friend Vyacheslav Igrunov was arrested for possession of anti-Soviet literature - now, by the way, the second person in the Yabloko party. Summoned for questioning, Gleb repented of everything, testified against his comrade-in-arms and was released. Igrunov, as usual, was declared insane and sent to a psychiatric hospital. Perhaps Pavlovsky was tormented by remorse - he still modestly calls himself “obsessed with moral reflection.” Isn’t that long-standing history the reason for the Yablokoites’ hatred of Pavlovsky? A boring life in Odessa with his wife and young son constrained Pavlovsky’s creative freedom. (Then, by the way, the future supreme manipulator also happened to go hungry: the story is widely known about how - gradually freeing himself from moral restrictions - Gleb Olegovich caused the first outburst of anger on the part of his wife by eating two cans of canned food that made up the NZ). In 1976, he filed for divorce and left for Moscow, carefully packing a portrait of his idol, Che Guevara, into a suitcase. Later, he elegantly formulated the reasons for leaving - “for the sake of changing the biographical identity of an Odessa resident.” That is, to squeeze Bender out of myself... GEFTER'S SHADOW ADOPTED ME But the capital was not really expecting a young graduate of the history department. For several years, Gleb worked as a construction worker (later he tried many jobs, including wood cutting), and in his free time he published the samizdat magazine “Poiski.” He became acquainted with many representatives of the free-thinking intelligentsia, primarily with the historian Mikhail Gefter. Pavlovsky became something of a student of Gefter and often visited his dacha near Moscow with his ex-wife Olga, who by that time had managed to visit a mental hospital and remarry. Gleb Olegovich was greatly influenced by Gefter’s style and the very topic of his research - the hidden springs of Soviet politics. It seems that even then he dreamed of being one of these springs, a secret adviser and at the same time an omnipotent magician, uttering predictions and dressed in black. Gefter loved his only, by and large, student so much that he even tried to adopt him. At that time, Pavlovsky led the life of a romantic revolutionary. During the trial of the dissident Abramkin (the current publisher of Prison and Freedom and also a great passionary), he threw a brick through the court window and broke his leg while fleeing from the police. Pavlovsky himself described this period of his life as follows: “The picturesque hopelessness of dissidence turned into bad taste - chases, hide and seek, women, all this Dumas, for whom people pay with each other, blaming the “authorities” for everything. No new ideas; it is a shame to leave the country; there is nowhere to go further. An animalistic feeling of impasse – being blocked in one’s own biography. I decided to escape from the biography." Many people spoke and wrote about the dead end of dissidence at that time - hence the succession of departures and suicides: the empire seemed immortal, resistance - fruitless, unnecessary neither to the people, nor, most importantly, to the resisters themselves. Andropov was not so wrong in allotting two or three years to Russian dissent: without perestroika, a new imperial ideology would have emerged even then. Pavlovsky only earlier than many felt the futility of the sectarian struggle against his own country. At the same time, apparently, his hatred for all kinds of “fanatical fighters”, fanatics with burning eyes arose - right up to the current NTV... Flight from his biography, however, was not so voluntary: in 1982 Pavlovsky was arrested, again in all repented and instead of prison received exile to the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Actually, his repentance was in no way the result of cowardice: he was then toying with the idea of ​​a “pact between the authorities and the intelligentsia,” a kind of social contract. In exile, he worked as a painter and fireman, from time to time sending letters to the authorities with recommendations on how to save the Soviet Union. The messages, as Gleb Olegovich recalls, were quite hysterical: the district police officer read them, laughed and filed them into the file. At the beginning of perestroika, Pavlovsky was allowed to return to an empty place - no work, no authority. Dissidents never forgave him for his defection and invariably suspected him of working for the KGB. He himself answered that he does not work for the “authorities”, but does not recommend indiscriminately denigrating the “Office”. “Putin belonged to the KGB elite, and not to those who derived pleasure from bullying people,” he once remarked. Ostentatious cynicism and intellectual shocking were part of his new image - Pavlovsky firmly decided to become a “man in power.” Or, as they used to say, “a Jew under the governor.” “KNOW, BITCHES, WE ARE NOT WITH YOU” For some time, Gleb Olegovich hung out on Arbat, which quickly turned into a platform for revolutionary informals. There he made acquaintances with the young intelligentsia who were waiting for “Changes!” Pavlovsky is still friends mainly with young people - he is bored with his peers. When in 1987, a thirty-six-year-old historian started publishing the independent magazine “The 20th Century and the World,” dissidents unanimously called it the machinations of the KGB. The same thing was said when a little later the PostFactum news agency (1988) and Fakt LLP (under the leadership of Vladimir Yakovlev) appeared, which provided the necessary information for money. Then, when the count of all these LLPs, LLCs, “analytical” and “information” centers had long been lost, it became clear that the reason for everything was not the “hand of the authorities,” but the indomitable energy of Pavlovsky himself, who with his elbows cleared a niche for himself in society. When the Soviet Union collapsed, it seemed to him, like many others, that nothing was impossible. The murky atmosphere of those years was recreated by Victor Pelevin in the novel “Generation P”, where one of the minor characters, the mysterious and meaningful Farseikin, was copied from Pavlovsky. For some time, Pavlovsky, by inertia, fit into the “rally politics”, but quickly left it. He himself claims that he did this out of dislike for the masses, who “have been taken over by a bad idea, and they, like a herd of bison, are all rushing in one direction.” Even then, Pavlovsky argued (including on the pages of his journal) that starting perestroika without a new concept of the state, with only the idea of ​​freedom, was suicide. Especially in a country like Russia, which always exists “on the verge of becoming chaos.” Gleb Olegovich considered himself a consistent statist and sharply criticized the actions of Yeltsin’s “anti-people regime” - especially the shooting of parliament in 1993. Then he tried to rally like-minded people under the slogan “Know, bitches, we are not with you.” When this did not work out, he left PostFactum. It seemed to many that his path lay straight into the camp of the irreconcilable opposition, but suddenly everything changed. Later, Pavlovsky himself explained what happened like this: “When I felt that our intelligent society was turning from Yeltsinism into total anti-Yeltsinism, I immediately had the opposite reaction: pipes, I don’t want to follow the herd.” FEP IS OUR ESSENTIAL In 1995, Pavlovsky created the Effective Politics Foundation and, to begin with, began advising General Lebed’s party “Congress of Russian Communities” in the Duma elections. The party lost miserably, but the consultant's aplomb was noticed, as were his unconventional actions with the eternal Russian penchant for provocation. By the way, it was then that Pavlovsky came up with his later famous slogan - “There is such a person. And you know this man” (in essence, a direct plagiarism of the famous joke about the Chukchi, who suddenly saw a man for whose benefit everything was). Subsequently, this slogan was useful to Lebed in Krasnoyarsk. Back in 1994, Pavlovsky launched a canard into the information agencies about a coup d'état, which was allegedly being prepared by a group of Yeltsin's confidants. This “version No. 1,” invented to promote Obshchaya Gazeta, caused a lot of noise, and Gleb Olegovich was almost imprisoned for libel. However, soon the talent of the creator of all kinds of “versions” was in demand at the highest level. In 1996, the Pavlovsky Foundation, with the light hand of Igor Malashenko, was involved in creating a “positive image” of President Yeltsin. What Pavlovsky did in this role soon became known as “black PR.” From the election campaign, in addition to invaluable experience, Gleb Olegovich also gained acquaintance with the right people, including Tatyana Dyachenko and Mikhail Lesin. “Then, at the end of ninety-five, there were two people who believed that Yeltsin was electable, and very electable. Chubais and I,” he commented later. After Yeltsin’s triumph, Pavlovsky, by inertia, continued to serve the authorities in their battles with the oligarchs. In 1997, he released to the press a scandalous transcript of telephone conversations between Gusinsky and Berezovsky, allegedly plotting against the president. (“We have two oligarchs, in words - two, all the rest were invented by these two,” our hero used to say). This is how he assessed the services of the main oligarchs to Russian freedom: “Whenever the wind was burning, Gusinsky and Berezovsky, running away from the warrants issued on them, heroically saved the girl - Russian democracy. They carried, so to speak, the poor thing out of the fire and into the fire - deaf, blind and crap oneself from fright.” The difference between the manipulators is more than obvious: Gusinsky and Berezovsky solved their own problems, while Pavlovsky was seriously concerned about the creation of a new Russian statehood. He “didn’t even earn a ruble of lines” - at least until the very end of the nineties. When the transcript turned out to be “false,” Pavlovsky immediately disowned it, attributing the authorship to Obshchaya Gazeta columnist Andrei Fadin, who had just died under mysterious circumstances (Fadin, a longtime friend of Gleb Olegovich, was in a car accident on a completely empty Kutuzovsky Avenue at night). Gusinsky, however, did not forget the insult: when the Media-Most database appeared on one of the Internet sites, it turned out that the security service of this freedom-loving institution monitored Pavlovsky’s contacts and conversations much more closely than the KGB did in its time... Gleb soon became famous Olegovich's profile has grown dramatically, thanks in part to his frenetic activity in the nascent Russian Internet journalism. Personally involved in the creation of “Vestey.ru”, the creator and editor-in-chief of the online “Russian Journal”, now the patron of “Strana.ru”, on which unobtrusive “disinformation” appears every now and then, Pavlovsky has become a key figure in the domestic Internet. Orders for his foundation kept pouring in. “If you have money, you can promote anyone,” said Pavlovsky, “but elect only the one whose vector coincides with the vector of the country’s development.” As has already been noted, Pavlovsky had a special flair for this vector. In 1999, on the advice of Dyachenko, the successful political strategist was involved in a new election campaign. The Kremlin needed people free from intellectual complexes. “HOW LONG, CATILINE?!” Here Pavlovsky made a move that surprised many: from the very beginning he began to convince the Family that Yeltsin should withdraw from the election race, giving way to Prime Minister Putin. Pavlovsky went all-in and won. Many even attributed to him the plan for a victorious military campaign in Chechnya, not to mention the brilliantly conducted campaigns against the Primakov-Luzhkov party. Alas, this is not entirely true. Hypnosis simply does not work on Gleb Olegovich. And the Luzhkov-Primakov hypnosis was extremely strong at that time - few doubted the victory of “Fatherland”, the question was the timing. Pavlovsky was the first to discern the danger of a new totalitarianism, masquerading as the fight against Yeltsin’s corruption. Giving an interview in August, he noted: while Primakov has not given final consent to join Fatherland, you can play against Luzhkov according to the rules. - What if he joins? - asked the correspondent. “Then ordinary card tricks will no longer work - you need to start jumping over the table,” Pavlovsky smiled. Jumping over the table began very soon, and without the direct participation of Pavlovsky: Sergei Dorenko took over the fight against the main contenders for the Presto. Nevertheless, Gleb Olegovich composed and even published several excellent feuilletons in which he argued that Luzhkov is the Catiline of our time and that his struggle against Yeltsin is, in essence, a “legal conspiracy.” Another person had to save the state, and Pavlovsky again made the right bet on him before others. “The Outgoing Yeltsin project existed for three years,” he later said. “Putin was seen as a possible successor from the very beginning, but many were put off by his peculiar background.” Pavlovsky was not repelled. It was this ability to see the main danger and the panacea for it that secured Pavlovsky the title of honorary smith of Putin’s victory. It got to the point that Vladimir Vladimirovich himself remained fully confident that his victory was the work of the almighty political sorcerer. The authors of these lines know people who seriously claim that the Moscow explosions in the fall of 1999 were the work of Pavlovsky! However, Gleb Olegovich himself answered this exhaustively: “The consequences of those explosions were unpredictable. The nation could rally around Putin, or it could blame the Kremlin for everything”... Fortunately, a competent analyst was then on the side of the Kremlin. And not on the opposite one. THE SECRET OF SUCCESS Now Pavlovsky could rightfully be called a “president maker” - just as the English Earl of Warwick was called a “king maker”. In gratitude, he received from Putin the long-desired opportunity to influence Kremlin policy. Leading FEP specialist Simon Kordonsky was appointed head of the analytical department of the Presidential Administration, and another of Pavlovsky’s associates, Maxim Meyer, was appointed head of the information department of the main department of internal policy of the Administration. What is the main secret of Pavlovsky's success? He himself is modestly silent about this. Knowledgeable people claim that it’s all due to a combination of healthy cynicism and a rare ability to navigate the information space. Few people are better than Pavlovsky at building tension in this virtual world and immediately defusing it. It is no coincidence that the Network turned out to be indispensable in the matter of “throwing incriminating evidence” into the media about this or that figure, so beloved by Pavlovsky. Now Gleb Olegovich has become a real TV star, speaks a lot in the press and, according to rumors, is writing some kind of epoch-making work. However, it seems that in reality he is working tirelessly to weave his network. It is she who can feed him when the president, who is not very inclined to gratitude, decides that he is tired of the advice of his chief political strategist. However, even after this, Pavlovsky - unlike Gusinsky and Berezovsky - will not be left without work. There will always be enough people in Russia who want to “promote themselves from scratch.” And the last years of our history clearly demonstrate the truth of Pavlovsky’s main law (never, however, formulated out loud): personality in Russia is successfully replaced by reputation. And no one knows how to create a reputation - including his own - better than this gray-haired, bespectacled Odessa resident.

Fate brings pleasant and unpleasant surprises. Often you want to get away from everyday activities and try to find a new, your own path. Each person creates his own destiny. Some consciously, and some - as it turns out. Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich looks at his life philosophically, whose detailed biography is replete with ups and downs, sharp turns and inexplicable zigzags.

Parents

Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky comes from the famous Odessa. The year of birth in 1951 was unremarkable. But the date of March 5 shocked many new acquaintances. After all, this is the day of Stalin’s death, which was perceived by contemporaries as the beginning of a new life.

Gleb's parents are quite ordinary people. Father had worked as a design engineer. Marine stations of the Black Sea from Odessa to Batumi are equipped according to his drawings. Mother had an exotic specialty as a hydrometeorologist. She worked at the Odessa weather station. At his mother’s workplace, the boy saw how forecasts were made.

School years

In 1958, the boy went to a regular high school. While still a child, he clearly learned one rule: you need to prove yourself. For the first time such a feeling arose when I was five years old. Then the father, trying to teach his son to swim, threw the boy off the pier. The salt water that filled the mouth and nose later surfaced in memory during teenage street fights. However, Gleb Pavlovsky studied well. The granite of science was easy for him.

The family loved to read. Books were everywhere, they were turned into some kind of deity. The cult of the printed word has led to voracious reading. Krylov's fables, Russian and foreign classics, and in general everything that could be bought was read in this family. A cocktail of conclusions and conclusions excited the blood. The boy's father seemed old-fashioned, bourgeois, and did not understand modern life.

In 1968, Gleb received There was not a single C or B. The young man is faced with the question of choosing a future path. He knew one thing for sure: he would not follow the path of his parents. What was needed was a revolution, a revolution in the planned fate of the Odessa citizen.

Students

Pavlovsky Gleb chooses Odessa University. The history department seemed the most attractive to the young man. He enters the chosen faculty without any problems. History as a science has always attracted the attention of yesterday's schoolchildren. He liked to immerse himself in the world of ancient times, which were chronologically presented in the works of historians.

1968-1973 was a period of wonderful student life. The revolutionary spirit permeated not only the air at that time, but also the walls of the educational institution. The brainchild of 1968 can be called a revolutionary circle created by youth. The students tried to implement the ideas of the commune in their small team. The circle was called “SID” (subject of historical activity).

It was at the university that Gleb Pavlovsky tried his hand at journalism. While studying in his second year, he published the wall newspaper “The 20th Century”. It was received ambiguously. Some did not understand, others were delighted. And the university party bureau removed it with the brief wording “For anarchism.” The newspaper editor suffered for his brainchild; he was expelled from the Komsomol.

Professional experiments

Ends in 1973. Gleb Pavlovsky receives a diploma in history and a standard blue book. And he goes to work as a history teacher at school. It was not possible to hold out at my first job for long. His passion for new books, especially forbidden ones, led to his acquaintance with the KGB. In 1974, a young teacher was arrested for possessing and distributing Solzhenitsyn’s book “The Gulag Archipelago.” He confessed to everything and was released. He was persistently asked to leave the school.

Gleb Pavlovsky decides to change his life and break out of the circle of predictability of future events. In order to achieve his goal, he moves to live in the capital. He decides to change his profession and acquires the working specialty of a carpenter. From 1976 to 1982 he worked wherever he could find work. A construction worker, a carpenter and even a lumberjack - and this is all a person with a higher historical education.

At this time, he finds a kindred spirit in the person of Mikhail Gefter. At the turn of the seventies and eighties, Gefter founded the free samizdat magazine “Search”. Despite the lack of Moscow registration, he accepts his student as co-editor. Five issues were published. After which the KGB arrested the head of the literary department, Valery Abramkin. was banned and the magazine was closed in 1981. A year and a half later, Gleb Pavlovsky was also arrested.

For cooperation with the investigation, the court replaces the prison sentence with exile in the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. A three-year stay away from political centers forces one to find a job in order to earn a living. Fireman, painter - these are the new professions that the dissident learned.

Moscow again

The link has ended. In December 1985, despite the ban on living in the capital, Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky returned to Moscow. Biography and life zigzag again. I had to hide for a year. Soviet society does not need a person with a criminal record. The dissident community did not forgive the desecration of its main shrine - the idea of ​​confrontation. The search for work leads Gleb to a youth club on Arbat, which processes letters coming from all over the USSR to central newspapers. On its basis, the “Club of Social Initiatives” (KSI) is being created. Pavlovsky is one of its five co-founders.

The editor of the magazine "XX Century and the World" Anatoly Belyaev hires Pavlovsky. He took a risk: warming up a person with a criminal record and without Moscow registration is akin to suicide. Since 1987, Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky has been a journalist for an information cooperative with the short name “Fact” under the leadership of Vladimir Yakovlev.

1989 - journalist, historian, dissident goes on an independent voyage. He heads the magazine “20th Century and the World” and creates the PostFactum news agency.

In the spring of 1994, Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky was again under investigation. accused of developing the analytical scenario “Version No. 1”. The fictional story thoroughly examines the possibility of an anti-presidential conspiracy.

Approaching power

The next year 1995 brings a new idea and its implementation. This is the year the Foundation for Effective Policy (EPF) was created. The new organization takes an active part in the elections to the State Duma. But the political association “Congress of Russian Communities” did not receive the required number of votes to present its candidates to the Duma.

The presidential elections in 1996 provided a wide field for the development of the activities of the Foundation for Effective Politics. He becomes the main consultant to Boris Yeltsin's headquarters in the election campaign and works with the media.

Internet journalism

Not everyone is able to catch the wind of change. Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky can always guess the right direction and begin to act actively. The Russian political scientist was one of the first to appreciate the role of emerging journalism on the Internet. He creates the online “Russian Journal”. He holds the position of editor-in-chief himself.

Information sites are becoming another source of inspiration and profit. The most famous of them were Vesti.ru, SMI.ru and Strana.ru. The last two are under his personal control.

Place in the modern world

Today Gleb Olegovich is called differently. and provocateur, philosopher and analyst, PR genius and manipulator. The most notorious scandals of our time are attributed to him. Under his leadership, Berezovsky resigned. He controlled the targeted compromise of the wife of Moscow Mayor Luzhkov. But the main merit is considered to be the company for promoting Vladimir Putin to the Kremlin and replacing Boris Yeltsin. But Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky is not going to comment on, deny or confirm these judgments. A well-known political scientist considers this not so important. According to him, he is simply writing applied history.

Getting closer to the top people in the state remains the number one priority. Today he is an adviser to the head of the Presidential Administration. A political scientist can give advice to V.V. Putin. The head of the Russian Federation listens to the recommendations of an experienced journalist and historian. The most important strategist of the Kremlin - this honorary title was received by the consultant to the president from Time magazine.

Family and friends

His political career was successful. Business is booming. Pavlovsky himself says that he can get by with little. But his family life does not have a predictable ending. Violent activity did not make Gleb Olegovich successful in creating a traditional union.

Gleb Olegovich first married Olga Ilnitskaya while still a student. The marriage produced a son, Sergei. Before moving to Moscow in the mid-seventies, he got divorced. Living in a family with a young child did not provide much space. Now the son is already an adult, working in one of his father’s online publications.

I did not have such close relationships with the other children. In total, Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich has five more children. The personal life and career of the famous political scientist and journalist developed dynamically. He maintained the warmest relationship with his ex-wife Olga.

The famous political strategist does not have many friends. He treats his few old and trusted comrades with care. Among them, the most famous is Valentin Yumashev.